The Quad summit is expected to be hosted by India in the second half of 2025, possibly in November. However, the grouping faces turbulence that transcends the current flow of India-U.S. relations. The relevance of Australia and Japan, too, needs to be factored in. Beijing considers the Quad as “the Asian NATO” that aims to contain China. Since the commencement of Trump 2.0, the grouping has been struggling to redefine its role and mandate.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Japan is significant for India domestically and its extended Asian influence. His visit, just prior to the SCO Summit in China, represents a shrewd endeavour at balancing the several priorities of Indian foreign policy

The recent election for Japan’s Upper House of Councillors is a pivotal moment for Japanese politics, revealing fractures within the ruling coalition and a simultaneous rise of the political right. Economic discontent, cultural anxieties, and effective digital mobilisation are converging. Is this a fleeting moment for Japan, or the start of a deeper, more profound change in its political landscape?

U.S. President Trump will meet Russian President Putin on August 15. A positive outcome may mean removal of punitive U.S. tariffs on India for buying Russian oil and resolving its dilemma of placating a partner country with growing commercial, geopolitical and defence ties, or pursuing strategic autonomy, keeping its old friends and take an economic hit? Is Russia the red line for India?

The Quad Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Washington on 1 July, 2025, underscored the importance of diversified and reliable global supply chains, especially for critical minerals. A Gateway House report shows how to strengthen supply chains for rare earths by creating deep financial markets similar to those that exist for bullion and oil.

A slowdown of the Chinese economy, and the shift, particularly by MNCs, from China to other more competitive locations has opened up business opportunities for latecomers to supply chains in the developing world. Evidence suggests that Southeast Asia and some South Asian countries like India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, could be beneficiaries of the supply chain shift, particularly in labour-intensive segments.

Most multilateral and plurilateral institutions have lost their significance and ability to shape the trajectory of international relations today. The G7 is no exception. It is impacted by the shift of power from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and an intra-Atlantic rift. The G7 discussions reflected this. More positive were the sideline discussions on repairing the India-Canada bilateral.

The July 2 meeting of the QUAD foreign ministers in Washington, D.C., restated all the commitments of the grouping, including a condemnation of the April 22 terrorist attacks on Pahalgam. Yet, none of the QUAD countries actually came to the aid of India, despite China being a present player in the fight, in full support of its partner Pakistan.

Canadian Prime Minister Carney can use the upcoming G7 summit he is hosting to advance the North-South dialogue and cooperation and also to discuss the strained bilateral with India. India can articulate the viewpoint of the Global South, stressing its conviction that the G7 is better served by constructively working with developing and emerging economies.

The Edo era in Japan adopted the Buddhist worldview that placed India at the center of the human world. This was reflected in their maps, till the mid-19th century. The geopolitical context of these spiritual maps wielded a profound influence on Japan’s Buddhist clergy and its laity, a world view that echoes the present.