The Quad Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Washington on 1 July, 2025, underscored the importance of diversified and reliable global supply chains, especially for critical minerals. A Gateway House report shows how to strengthen supply chains for rare earths by creating deep financial markets similar to those that exist for bullion and oil.

A slowdown of the Chinese economy, and the shift, particularly by MNCs, from China to other more competitive locations has opened up business opportunities for latecomers to supply chains in the developing world. Evidence suggests that Southeast Asia and some South Asian countries like India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, could be beneficiaries of the supply chain shift, particularly in labour-intensive segments.

Most multilateral and plurilateral institutions have lost their significance and ability to shape the trajectory of international relations today. The G7 is no exception. It is impacted by the shift of power from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and an intra-Atlantic rift. The G7 discussions reflected this. More positive were the sideline discussions on repairing the India-Canada bilateral.

Canadian Prime Minister Carney can use the upcoming G7 summit he is hosting to advance the North-South dialogue and cooperation and also to discuss the strained bilateral with India. India can articulate the viewpoint of the Global South, stressing its conviction that the G7 is better served by constructively working with developing and emerging economies.

Japan's growing influence in India’s Northeast and Bay of Bengal region is proving to be a gamechanger, with the potential to transform its economic and geopolitical landscape. With cultural ties and strategic investments, states like Assam and Meghalaya hope to enhance development while fostering a mutually beneficial relationship with Japan. Additionally, the latter could help ensure wider regional stability given the tensions with Bangladesh and Myanmar.

Malaysia’s chairmanship of ASEAN in 2025 is pivotal. It will have to steer ASEAN toward regional peace, stability, and prosperity while reinforcing its centrality. All this during a time of heightened geostrategic rivalry, economic deglobalisation, rising protectionism, and nationalist trends.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation turns 75 this year. It has exceeded its original mandate of a collective defence for Europe and is expanding rapidly. From restraining the rise of Russia, it is now seeking non-NATO allies in Asia who wish to restrain China. This requires a nimbler, more dynamic alliance. Can NATO respond to the transformation?

Japan and the EU have a stable and long engagement with India. As India grows in economic and geopolitical significance, both partners must change the lens they view India with. Japan has done better, especially with investment, and because of a common interest and activity in the Indo-Pacific. The EU is driven by Brussels still and needs must overcome that limitation to better leverage India.

India’s Northeast is developing and getting close to its goal of being part of the Indian mainstream in connectivity and business – which is also critical for the success of India’s Act East Policy. For both goals, Bangladesh and Japan are invaluable partners and friends. The troika’s collaboration can be a model in the region.

The Ukraine crisis transferred global anxiety away from China and onto Russia. But this has not happened in the Indo-Pacific, where the Quad countries have followed a policy of economic disengagement from China, in the backdrop of the COVID pandemic and the regeneration of some economies. How the Quad managed this, is a worthwhile assessment.