Courtesy: ASEAN
The Manila meetings of ASEAN, held amid continuing crises in Ukraine and West Asia, have demonstrated that ASEAN centrality has not gone out of fashion. Neither the U.S. nor China, despite scepticism about ASEAN's effectiveness, wishes ASEAN institutions to disappear. India, Russia, Japan, Australia, the EU and the UK likewise continue to use these meetings as valuable platforms for Indo-Pacific engagement.
Courtesy: Outlook Business
The legacy of the Modi-Takaichi Summit will extend well beyond the bilateral. It demonstrates that middle powers, through responsible and sustained action, are capable of shaping the future of the Indo-Pacific through strategic intent and the resilient economic networks that back it up to promote regional stability. For India and Japan, economic security is the foundation upon which the next generation of the bilateral will be built.
Courtesy: @DrJaishankar/X
South Korea and India have much in common – both are Indo-Pacific players, oil importers and business-oriented economies. Yet, despite the ubiquitious and successful presence of Korean companies in India’s markets, the political relationship has been weak, and underperformed. The recent state visit by South Korean President Lee Jae-myung to India along with a slew of economic and strategic agreements signed, is an effort to recalibrate the relationship.
Courtesy: Presidential Communications Office
The West Asia conflict has disrupted global stability, impacting ASEAN economies and diplomacy. As chair, the Philippines balances its alliance with the U.S. and regional neutrality, while Indonesia and Malaysia reflect domestic support for Arab states. With energy shocks, remittance risks, and inflation rising, ASEAN’s limited influence is evident. Has ASEAN once again been drawn into a vortex of crises beyond its control?
Courtesy: Bayerischer Rundfunk
During the week of the Munich Security Conference, Munich transformed into a temporary capital of global diplomacy. Gateway House participated and hosted a Side Event, “Multipolarity without Multilateralism: India, Europe and the Future of Global Order” on February 14. This diary captures observations from the conference and the city, reflecting on Europe’s evolving priorities and how the continent assesses its role in an increasingly fragmented world.
Courtesy: Debarpan Das
Over the last few decades, countries have stopped, delayed, or withheld their UN dues. The UN’s increasing financial needs have led to the acceptance of “voluntary” contributions. Those which come from any entities or individuals and are now its largest income stream. The biggest of these donors are the global philanthropies, which often have differing agendas from the UN’s responsibilities. This report studies these contributions and examines the linkages between donor priorities and UN mandates.
Courtesy: Gateway House
On January 7, 2026, the U.S. government announced its withdrawal from 31 UN organisations. This is a shock to the UN system. Several other countries have halted or only partially paid their dues over the years, creating a major funding gap. To cover for it, the UN has turned to “voluntary contributions” which come from philanthropic and private actors. Their misaligned mandates are distorting UN priorities.
Courtesy: Themba Hadebe/AP
The G20 Summit in Johannesburg ended on a widely-shared sense of satisfaction and achievement, with the Global South’s perspective well-articulated, but divergent from some in the Global North. Now the G20's challenge is to restore its unity and credibility by working toward reconciliation with its next president, the U.S. Can India enhance its credibility and influence as a North-South bridge-builder?
Courtesy: UNDP
The G20 Summit in Johannesburg in November will close four years of developing countries holding the grouping’s Presidency. It has left a positive imprimateur on the G20. The next President, the U.S., will inherit a more diverse body, with equal attention being given to issues of the Global North and the Global South.
Courtesy: ANI
The Quad summit is expected to be hosted by India in the second half of 2025, possibly in November. However, the grouping faces turbulence that transcends the current flow of India-U.S. relations. The relevance of Australia and Japan, too, needs to be factored in. Beijing considers the Quad as “the Asian NATO” that aims to contain China. Since the commencement of Trump 2.0, the grouping has been struggling to redefine its role and mandate.