Courtesy: BSS News
Beijing has agreed to fund a port in Bangladesh, the third port funded by foreign governments. This shouldn’t be a concern for India, because unlike Pakistan and Sri Lanka, it has a diversified lender base. Japan and Russia are the large infrastructure funders, with China in the third place, while the U.S. and the EU are key export markets. India lags as an investor.
Courtesy: Gateway House
The India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor, currently stalled due to conflicts in the Gulf, may be an answer to the disrupted energy flows from the Persian Gulf. The proposed route, which connects the interior of Saudi Arabia to the Arabian Sea on one side and the Mediterranean Sea on the other, has immense value as a conduit for West Asian oil, as well as global data flows.
Courtesy: Gateway House
The sustainability of the Mecca Accord is determined by its response to three geopolitical challenges represented by India, Iran, and Israel. The India test centres on preventing the export of South Asian conflicts to the Gulf, the Iranian test rests on institutionalising sustainable deterrence beyond formulas of perpetual clash, and the Israeli axis tests the mechanisms for reshaping Saudi ties with American security and the future of regional normalisation.
Courtesy: Xinhua / Wang Ye
The SCO aims to be more than a security dialogue, because churn in the global order means not only military power but includes new instruments like infrastructure, energy and technology. The SCO has potential here. China’s factories, Russia’s energy and resources, India’s technology and services, and Central Asia’s location and minerals, connected to Iran and Pakistan’s location on the Arabian Sea, could become a formidable economic geography.
Courtesy: X / @MEAIndia
As 25 years of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) culminate in Bishkek, India waits intently, assessing the SCO's development. With PM Modi representing India from August 31–September 1, 2026, having previously chaired the SCO Council of Heads of Government in 2020, the forthcoming summit should provide an opportunity for the Indian delegation to take stock of the current status of previous initiatives and their advancements.
Courtesy: AFP
The Mecca Accord between Saudi Arabia, Turkiye and Pakistan has raised some red flags in the region, and in India. One element remains unchanged: India’s value to Riyadh as an energy importer. With demand security holding more weight than supply security in an uncertain future, a major and growing oil importer like India is more important than the cash-for-security arrangement the Kingdom has signed with Pakistan.
Courtesy: Gateway House
The global steering wheel has come loose, replaced by more fluid, pragmatic, and regional frameworks. The Emerging Middle Powers Report 2026 illuminates the shifting postures and throws up some surprises: trust in the U.S. is receding, non-alignment is increasing, regionalism is more important, and divergences from the mainstream are clear. Can Middle Powers be more than just bridges to overcome differences?
Courtesy: Gateway House
India’s sovereign AI strategy prioritises chips, compute, data, models, and talent, but overlooks a critical pillar: energy security. As AI-driven electricity demand surges globally and the IndiaAI Mission rapidly expands computing capacity, reliable power is becoming a defining constraint on AI ambitions. Energy security must therefore be recognised as a core pillar of India’s sovereign AI strategy, not merely as supporting infrastructure.
Courtesy: KNN
The UAE’s recent exit from OPEC, and the U.S. push to sell more oil to India are markers of a new order in the oil world with demand security at a premium. As a major oil importer, India must respond to it smartly. It must develop deeper partnerships with both the UAE and U.S., and a new financial ecosystem and benchmarks for the new order.
Courtesy: Gateway House
India is moving from “digital adoption” to “digital swaraj,” a demand for technological self-reliance. The national discourse is shifting from data sovereignty to broader technological sovereignty. India’s goal is a hybrid model where global innovation meets local control and digital services that align with domestic needs. If successful, this model could offer the Global South an alternative to both U.S. private-led and Chinese state-led digital systems.