Courtesy: Global Times
Russia marked 22 per cent growth in trade with China in the first half of 2026, putting it on track for a record-breaking year. Three decades of growth have made China indispensable to Moscow, while sanctions-evasion networks have eased Russia’s isolation and increased dependence on Beijing. Wary of over-reliance, Russia has pivoted towards India and Africa since 2022, but these ties are unlikely to replace China.
Courtesy: Xinhua via AP
Russia-China ties have come a long way from the tensions of the Cold War. Since Russia’s relationship with the West began deteriorating in 2008, China has emerged as a counterweight, with growing economic and cultural ties. In 2026, 83% of Russians viewed China favourably, while bilateral trade grew 22%. This relationship seems rock-solid, and even a thaw with the West is unlikely to alter its course.
Courtesy: Xinhua / Wang Ye
The SCO aims to be more than a security dialogue, because churn in the global order means not only military power but includes new instruments like infrastructure, energy and technology. The SCO has potential here. China’s factories, Russia’s energy and resources, India’s technology and services, and Central Asia’s location and minerals, connected to Iran and Pakistan’s location on the Arabian Sea, could become a formidable economic geography.
Courtesy: The Wall Street Journal
The 29th St. Petersburg International Economic Forum highlighted Russia’s push for technological sovereignty. President Vladimir Putin argued that Russia and the Global South must avoid being held hostage to the West. Since the Russia-Ukraine war began in 2022, sweeping sanctions have accelerated Russia’s efforts to build domestic digital infrastructure, strengthen AI capabilities, and deepen technological cooperation with partners such as India.
Courtesy: Reuters
The visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India on December 4-5, is an event with many dimensions. It will address the political and economic strength and future of the bilateral, discuss the global scenario, and lay out a path for future cooperation that will continue to define the relationship as 'special and privileged.'
Courtesy: Telegrafi
On October 22, 2025, U.S. President Donald Trump imposed sanctions on Russia’s oil giants, Rosneft and Lukoil. The move has clear geopolitical motives—to remove a major supplier from an oversupplied oil market. Indian oil companies, key buyers of Russian crude, now face pressure to cut imports, undermining India’s energy diversification and shaking global oil markets, including the U.S. economy.
Courtesy: Indian Embassy in Moscow / FB
The Valdai 2025 conference’s single confirmation was this: Russia believes the post-Western world is already functioning. It is no longer seeking to re-enter Western-led institutions; it is building around them. The polycentric world is like a network, not a hierarchy. No one needs to choose a camp.
Courtesy: Getty
The labour movement in the India-Russia corridor is a new element in the bilateral. It is already visible in the Delhi–Moscow flights. The usual students and tourists now share the cabin with welders, salon workers, and builders, many on their first overseas assignment. The trend signals a shift in Russia’s migration geography and opens a corridor linking India’s skill base with Russia’s industrial demand.
Courtesy: President of Russia
Each autumn, Russia convenes its flagship Annual Summit — a gathering of global leaders, business elites and intellectuals. Often compared in scale to Davos or Shangri-La, what sets Valdai apart is President Vladimir Putin’s extended, unscripted dialogue with the audience. Over the years, India has moved to the centre of this dialogue, reflecting its strategic weight and offering rare insight into Moscow’s evolving worldview.
Courtesy: The New Indian Express
Studying the reaction of key stakeholders to the India-Pakistan conflict, and how India’s diplomatic machine coped with it, is revealing. Some of the major powers like the U.S., raised the temperature, China expectedly stood by Pakistan while Russia once again proved a dependable friend. Unsurprisingly, South Asia had a consistently neutral stance toward the conflict.