Courtesy: Tarushi Aswani / Al Jazeera
Ladakh is getting new districts, even a new High Court bench, but not the statehood it was promised by the Indian government when Article 370 and 35A were abrogated in August 2019. Seven years later, locals are restless and New Delhi has yet to find a permanent solution by way of a Constitutional guarantee.
Courtesy: Gateway House
The visit of Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar to three African countries – Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire and Ethiopia – from October 6 to 10 was an important step in imparting fresh momentum to bilateral relations with these countries. It also drew public attention to the imperative of continuing the multi-dimensional partnership between India and Africa.
Courtesy: Reuters
The BRICS Summit in Delhi carried over the issues from the previous years. But it was particularly important because it also hosted the India-China leaders’ bilateral, and it was preceded by the visit of Chinese President Xi to the U.S. The optics of the 2026 Summit will have been keenly watched in Washington for its effect on U.S.-China relations.
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Chinese President Xi Jinping’s September state visit to the U.S. produced no joint statement, indicating major differences, although both countries agreed Iran should not develop nuclear weapons and no country should collect tolls in the Strait of Hormuz. Tariffs on China remained unresolved. There was a staleness to the visit, with both countries’ leaders focused on the past. The visit appears to favour China, denoting its growing stature.
Courtesy: Reuters / Yonhap News Agency
The recent BRICS Summit in New Delhi was declared a success. Its 140-paragraph New Delhi Declaration is the longest yet. With members divided over the Russia-Ukraine and West Asia wars, leaders avoided naming countries or taking positions, focusing on issues affecting the Global South and deepening intra-BRICS cooperation. India steered the grouping towards practical cooperation. The question now is: how will BRICS implement the decisions taken?
Courtesy: South China Morning Post
In less than 60 days, India and China held four major bilateral dialogues, all targeted at finding a solution to the boundary issue whilst maintaining peace on the border. In August, they held diplomatic level talks, followed by discussions between the Special Representatives, culminating in a first-of-its-kind Corps Commander-level flag meeting in early September. Finally came the bilateral meeting between PM Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping.
Courtesy: Global Times
Russia marked 22 per cent growth in trade with China in the first half of 2026, putting it on track for a record-breaking year. Three decades of growth have made China indispensable to Moscow, while sanctions-evasion networks have eased Russia’s isolation and increased dependence on Beijing. Wary of over-reliance, Russia has pivoted towards India and Africa since 2022, but these ties are unlikely to replace China.
Courtesy: Xinhua via AP
Russia-China ties have come a long way from the tensions of the Cold War. Since Russia’s relationship with the West began deteriorating in 2008, China has emerged as a counterweight, with growing economic and cultural ties. In 2026, 83% of Russians viewed China favourably, while bilateral trade grew 22%. This relationship seems rock-solid, and even a thaw with the West is unlikely to alter its course.
Courtesy: Xinhua / Wang Ye
The SCO aims to be more than a security dialogue, because churn in the global order means not only military power but includes new instruments like infrastructure, energy and technology. The SCO has potential here. China’s factories, Russia’s energy and resources, India’s technology and services, and Central Asia’s location and minerals, connected to Iran and Pakistan’s location on the Arabian Sea, could become a formidable economic geography.
Courtesy: Indian Navy Website
The India–Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement (ISFTA), implemented in 2000, has significantly expanded India–Sri Lanka trade, investment and tourism. But it now needs to be deepened beyond goods to make the most of the modern, supply-chain-driven global economy. Any ISFTA 2.0 should update rules of origin, liberalise services, digitise customs, strengthen investment protections and deepen connectivity to help Sri Lanka integrate into India-centred supply chains.