The year 2025 is often compared to the Bandung moment of 1955, and for good reason. With the U.S. reordering traditional relationships, the opportunity for greater emphasis on the Global South is now. It is therefore time for India, Africa and ASEAN among others to re-burnish their Global South credentials and use that identity as a platform to engage each other more deeply.

India and Indonesia are two Asian leaders and democracies which are reconnecting after decades, even centuries – in a world rife with new volatility and uncertainty. Both countries can collaborate and learn: Indonesia is an adept trading nation and India is a powerful tech player. The two governments are on a mission to deepen and diversify their relationship, stepping out of their past, and bringing fresh thinking.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Japan is significant for India domestically and its extended Asian influence. His visit, just prior to the SCO Summit in China, represents a shrewd endeavour at balancing the several priorities of Indian foreign policy

The G20’s current cycle is unique, with four Global South nations presiding consecutively: Indonesia, India, Brazil, and now South Africa. Brazil’s 2023-24 presidency exhibited both achievements and struggles, prioritising social inclusion, hunger, energy transition, and governance reform. The handover to South Africa marks a significant milestone in G20 history. Will the momentum be followed by the U.S., the next G20 president but also a G20 sceptic?

U.S. President Trump will meet Russian President Putin on August 15. A positive outcome may mean removal of punitive U.S. tariffs on India for buying Russian oil and resolving its dilemma of placating a partner country with growing commercial, geopolitical and defence ties, or pursuing strategic autonomy, keeping its old friends and take an economic hit? Is Russia the red line for India?

The Quad Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Washington on 1 July, 2025, underscored the importance of diversified and reliable global supply chains, especially for critical minerals. A Gateway House report shows how to strengthen supply chains for rare earths by creating deep financial markets similar to those that exist for bullion and oil.

A slowdown of the Chinese economy, and the shift, particularly by MNCs, from China to other more competitive locations has opened up business opportunities for latecomers to supply chains in the developing world. Evidence suggests that Southeast Asia and some South Asian countries like India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, could be beneficiaries of the supply chain shift, particularly in labour-intensive segments.

The July 2 meeting of the QUAD foreign ministers in Washington, D.C., restated all the commitments of the grouping, including a condemnation of the April 22 terrorist attacks on Pahalgam. Yet, none of the QUAD countries actually came to the aid of India, despite China being a present player in the fight, in full support of its partner Pakistan.

Geopolitics is increasingly intertwined with the economic destiny of South Asia. Even before the U.S. tariffs were rolled out, growing polycrises had hit the global economy, which has been struggling since the pandemic. South Asia seems a relatively bright spark of regional trade and growth. This paper analyses South Asia’s trade architecture in the backdrop of a sluggish world economy in the 2020s, and makes recommendations for closer regional economic integration.

The traditional power structures of ‘unipolarity’ or ‘bipolarity’ prevalent over the past 80 years are no longer appropriate to describe the current global order, with more countries increasingly supporting the evolving multipolar world. With the old ‘rules-based’ order becoming less relevant, emerging powers like India have an opportunity to draft more equitable rules to match their multipolar intentions.