The Quad summit is expected to be hosted by India in the second half of 2025, possibly in November. However, the grouping faces turbulence that transcends the current flow of India-U.S. relations. The relevance of Australia and Japan, too, needs to be factored in. Beijing considers the Quad as “the Asian NATO” that aims to contain China. Since the commencement of Trump 2.0, the grouping has been struggling to redefine its role and mandate.

Each autumn, Russia convenes its flagship Annual Summit — a gathering of global leaders, business elites and intellectuals. Often compared in scale to Davos or Shangri-La, what sets Valdai apart is President Vladimir Putin’s extended, unscripted dialogue with the audience. Over the years, India has moved to the centre of this dialogue, reflecting its strategic weight and offering rare insight into Moscow’s evolving worldview.

The year 2025 is often compared to the Bandung moment of 1955, and for good reason. With the U.S. reordering traditional relationships, the opportunity for greater emphasis on the Global South is now. It is therefore time for India, Africa and ASEAN among others to re-burnish their Global South credentials and use that identity as a platform to engage each other more deeply.

The world is undergoing a profound transformation - not driven by the U.S., China, or Russia, but by small and medium states carving out their rightful space in the emerging order. With UN reform stalled, middle-power cooperation must organise effectively to push for a responsive multilateral system that works for all, ensuring institutions are reformed and made fit for today’s world.

India and Indonesia are two Asian leaders and democracies which are reconnecting after decades, even centuries – in a world rife with new volatility and uncertainty. Both countries can collaborate and learn: Indonesia is an adept trading nation and India is a powerful tech player. The two governments are on a mission to deepen and diversify their relationship, stepping out of their past, and bringing fresh thinking.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Japan is significant for India domestically and its extended Asian influence. His visit, just prior to the SCO Summit in China, represents a shrewd endeavour at balancing the several priorities of Indian foreign policy

The G20’s current cycle is unique, with four Global South nations presiding consecutively: Indonesia, India, Brazil, and now South Africa. Brazil’s 2023-24 presidency exhibited both achievements and struggles, prioritising social inclusion, hunger, energy transition, and governance reform. The handover to South Africa marks a significant milestone in G20 history. Will the momentum be followed by the U.S., the next G20 president but also a G20 sceptic?

U.S. President Trump will meet Russian President Putin on August 15. A positive outcome may mean removal of punitive U.S. tariffs on India for buying Russian oil and resolving its dilemma of placating a partner country with growing commercial, geopolitical and defence ties, or pursuing strategic autonomy, keeping its old friends and take an economic hit? Is Russia the red line for India?

India’s engagement with Latin America is gaining momentum, marked by PM Modi’s recent visits to Brazil, Argentina, and Trinidad & Tobago. Amid rising Chinese influence, sustained political engagement and targeted investments are key to unlocking Latin America’s potential for India’s benefit. India needs a multifaceted strategy that blends economic engagement with public diplomacy and more official visits at higher political levels.

Egypt sits at the intersection of three continents and two seas, and its foreign policy is a geographic, historic and strategic consequence. From Tripoli to Kortum, Addis Ababa to Brussels, New Delhi to Moscow, Beijing to Washington, Cairo employs diplomacy as a key national security tool, positioning itself as a cornerstone of geopolitical stability within an increasingly multipolar world.