Courtesy: ASEAN
The Manila meetings of ASEAN, held amid continuing crises in Ukraine and West Asia, have demonstrated that ASEAN centrality has not gone out of fashion. Neither the U.S. nor China, despite scepticism about ASEAN's effectiveness, wishes ASEAN institutions to disappear. India, Russia, Japan, Australia, the EU and the UK likewise continue to use these meetings as valuable platforms for Indo-Pacific engagement.
Courtesy: X/@narendramodi
The Modi-Prabowo summit is a shared commitment to enhance strategic cooperation between two major Asian powers. This is necessitated by the dominance of China and the weakening U.S. pledges to regional security. Bilaterally, there has been political progress but limited economic engagement. The key now is to step up the trade and investment pillar, with energetic follow-up action for a strong trajectory.
Courtesy: Outlook Business
The legacy of the Modi-Takaichi Summit will extend well beyond the bilateral. It demonstrates that middle powers, through responsible and sustained action, are capable of shaping the future of the Indo-Pacific through strategic intent and the resilient economic networks that back it up to promote regional stability. For India and Japan, economic security is the foundation upon which the next generation of the bilateral will be built.
Courtesy: South China Morning Post
Prime Minister Modi’s Indo-Pacific tour begins in Indonesia in early July. The two countries are expected to achieve a more aligned worldview, especially with the wars in Ukraine and the Gulf. The emerging entente cordiale between the U.S. and China will have a significant impact on the region, where India and Indonesia are leading players with the Indo-Pacific as their shared home.
Courtesy: Prime Minister's Office of Japan
The 52nd G7 Summit, held in Evian-les-Bains from June 15-17, reflected both the challenges and continued relevance of the grouping. While the G7’s share of global GDP has declined, it remains influential. India’s participation as an invited guest drew attention as a major representative of the Global South. As BRICS chair this year, India has an opportunity to explain the motivations of both the G7 and BRICS to each other's members.
Courtesy: Gateway House
After eight years of its nomenclature, on 16th June the U.S. Pacific Command dropped the 'Indo' from its military command title. It reflects clearly that the U.S. does not consider the Indo-Pacific region to be the most consequential theatre of geopolitics today. Yet its significance as the platform on which great-power contestation in political, military, technological, and economic domains will play out cannot be overstated.
Courtesy: x/@MEAIndia
The recent visit of Myanmar President Min Aung Hlaing to India has re-engaged the two neighbours politically after a six-year gap. Critics and pragmatists had much to say, but the outcome spoke for itself: constructive border management, defence agreements and economic cooperation. And a reminder that India has not forgotten about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the democracy icon.
Courtesy: Global Times
The Quad Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, held in New Delhi on May 26, highlighted both the progress and uncertainties surrounding the grouping. Significantly, it reaffirmed U.S. engagement. While the Quad has expanded its agenda and provided some concrete outcomes, the all-important Leaders’ Summit is still not visible – a worry for India’s prolonged chairship since 2024.
Courtesy: Rajiv Bhatia
Myanmar’s latest political transition offers the illusion of closure, but little clarity. After years of conflict triggered by the 2021 coup, a new administration under Min Aung Hlaing takes charge amid continuing resistance and fragmentation. Is this consolidation or another phase of instability? Reflecting on this question, Ambassador Rajiv Bhatia draws upon his three-decade-long association with Myanmar, including serving as India’s Ambassador from 2002 to 2005.
Courtesy: FB / @The Statesman
India’s Vice President C. Radhakrishnan visited Sri Lanka from April 19-20, reaffirming Colombo’s importance in India’s Neighbourhood First Policy and MAHASAGAR vision. While ties remain stable, legacy issues persist: Tamil demands for devolution, illegal fishing disputes, and the stalled Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement. The hope is for these to be resolved within Sri Lanka; till then, the unresolved challenges will continue to test the depth and durability of the bilateral.