The recent visit of the European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, and the EU College of Commissioners to India, is a testament to its view of India as a key voice in the Global South and a stabilising force amidst a rapidly changing global dynamic. However, a strong push is required to elevate their transactional relationship into something more meaningful for both parties.

The 18 February bilateral negotiations between Russia and the U.S. to end the war in Ukraine, will take Russia out of western isolation and put it  back into the global mainstream. This is a success for President Vladimir Putin, who has now been ruling Russia for 25 years, by focusing on domestic stability and development and a revival of relations with the West, China and India.

On-ground realities and political dynamics have shifted in the Russia-Ukraine war, with the latter’s incursion into Russia’s Kursk region, even as there is a push for peace from multiple quarters. Ivan Timofeev, Director General of the Russian International Affairs Council discusses Russia’s perception of the conflict and peace efforts, its expectations from the BRICS Presidency and means of boosting commercial cooperation between India and Russia.

Chinese President Xi Jinping's three-nation tour to France, Serbia and Hungary in early May highlighted China's aim to bolster ties and navigate shifting global power dynamics. The trip's implications are significant for all major powers, including India, which must inject more creativity and energy in building up its strategic partnerships with G7 nations after the elections.

Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) and digital commons have the potential to accelerate achievement of the sustainable development goals. Both India and the European Union recognise this: India is a pioneer in DPI, while the concept of digital commons is gaining better attention within the EU. The partners must now work towards a joint understanding of the core principles that govern digital resources.

Germany is India's largest trade and economic partner in the EU, but the relationship with France is a class apart, given its strength in military aviation and willingness to be a differentiated member of the West. Must this remain so? If Germany and the EU would be more understanding of India’s democracy and its role in upholding a rules-based order, their relations would be greatly improved.

Divergent global reactions to major crises such as those sparked by the war in Ukraine and NATO’s Afghanistan withdrawal have widened the chasm between Western countries and emerging middle powers. This survey, conducted among nearly 1,000 experts from India, Brazil, South Africa and Germany, examines key foreign policy priorities in these countries, and reveals that despite differences, dialogue is possible.

The Italy-Africa summit, held on January 28-29, followed Prime Minister Meloni’s Mattei Plan for greater engagement with Africa and the Global South. It gives Italy’s ongoing G7 presidency an edge and a means of addressing immediate concerns like energy and illegal migration. Italy must now follow through on its commitments by coordinating with partner countries, organisations and private sector.

Japan and the EU have a stable and long engagement with India. As India grows in economic and geopolitical significance, both partners must change the lens they view India with. Japan has done better, especially with investment, and because of a common interest and activity in the Indo-Pacific. The EU is driven by Brussels still and needs must overcome that limitation to better leverage India.

On July 13, the German cabinet approved its Strategy on China after nearly two years of internal discussions. The new strategy simultaneously views China as a “partner, competitor, and systemic rival”, calling for de-risking German economic dependence on China, while also expanding cooperation with other countries in the Indo-Pacific region.