The world is facing multiple crises which are shaking the foundations of multilateralism. The West’s structures are faltering, and the need for effective and equitable cooperation is greater than ever. Seventy years after the 1955 Bandung Conference, its principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, cooperation and solidarity remain vital. This report revisits Bandung’s relevance for today’s reform efforts, urging renewed Global South–Europe collaboration for a sustainable global future.

The world is undergoing profound transformations that are not being driven only by the United States, China or Russia. Small and medium-sized States are carving out a legitimate place for themselves in the emerging new order. This second edition of our annual Emerging Middle Powers Report is a reminder that the signs of the times are showing a new momentum for middle powers.

Xi Jinping’s visit to South America to attend the APEC and G20 meetings had multiple goals. To inaugurate a new gateway for China in Peru’s Chancay port, sign three dozen cooperation agreements with Brazil, and make nice with the continent’s nations from Chile to the Honduras. Did it succeed in expanding China’s influence in the region? Most certainly, yes.

There is much discussion these days on the world order and the continuation or demise of the current format. To understand why this powerful agglomeration of states and rules is now being questioned, it is necessary to understand the role of China, its co-option of the institutions and rules of the world order, and the parallel order it is creating centred around itself.

Divergent global reactions to major crises such as those sparked by the war in Ukraine and NATO’s Afghanistan withdrawal have widened the chasm between Western countries and emerging middle powers. This survey, conducted among nearly 1,000 experts from India, Brazil, South Africa and Germany, examines key foreign policy priorities in these countries, and reveals that despite differences, dialogue is possible.

Russia took charge of BRICS in January 2024 at a point of inflection in geopolitics and expanding influence for the bloc. As chair, Moscow aims to bolster cooperation along the lines of the BRICS’ three pillars to shift power away from the West and explore ways to engage potential members. Though China seems onboard, for India, neither of these pursuits must proceed too aggressively.

The geopoliticisation of the Israel-Hamas war has given birth to a new era of ruthlessly pragmatic and overlapping interests of multiple powers and actors. This is visible in the region of Middle Eurasia, the centre of the ongoing rearrangement of the world order.

The BRICS Summit in Johannesburg has drawn international attention to the grouping’s past record of achievements and failures, its strained internal dynamics, and new challenges. As BRICS heads into its 18th year, its success and way forward will depend on the members’ ability to tackle the principal challenge of retaining its internal solidarity while balancing expansion and its impact and influence in the world.

Significant progress has been made globally in adopting green energy. Technological advances, easier availability of capital and regulatory measures have helped. But progress is likely to slow due to the shocks caused by Covid-19 and the Ukraine crisis. How to continue the green transition whilst ensuring that lower-income countries have access to affordable energy? This Task Force offers recommendations for India’s G20 Presidency.

The Indo-Pacific region envisages the Indian and Pacific Oceans as a continuum and stands on two central pillars – maritime security and economic development. The public discussions, however, are focused on maritime security, strategy and geopolitics, while economic development has received less attention. This imbalance can be corrected by creating an awareness on how to harness the potential of the region's Blue Economy and its vast resources and opportunities.