Myanmar heads to the polls in December amidst a festering conflict, now running on five years. At home, the balance of power is constantly shifting between the military and the anti-junta forces. Internationally, there is a growing fatigue with resolving the conflict. However, for the ruling military this election is strictly about putting the derailed train of ‘limited democracy’ back on track.

The Thai–Cambodia border dispute, which erupted anew in July, is 70 years old, and there’s no resolution in sight. Both nations have differing political ambitions: Thailand seeks to reclaim former territories while Cambodia aims to retain its sovereign rights. This contestation requires a regional political resolution, but Malaysia’s ASEAN chairmanship failed to forge consensus. Can the new chair, the Philippines, resolve it?

A decades-old dispute has escalated into a conflict along the Thai-Cambodia border. It centres around the archaeological sites of Hindu temples, and are emblematic of a deeper and layered contestation rooted in three key issues: French colonial cartography, political use of history and heritage, and interests of Thai and Cambodian military and political elite. Dr. Thanachate Wisaijorn, Head of Government, Faculty of Political Science at Ubon Ratchathani University in Thailand is an expert on the borderlands of the Thai region, with Cambodia, Thailand and Laos. He has been closely watching the unfolding issues on the Thai-Cambodia border. He speaks to Manjeet Kripalani of Gateway House, about the history of the conflict, its current status and its potential resolution.

Thailand is often associated with its stunning beaches and vibrant nightlife. However, a visit to the country’s historic past, from the ancient kingdoms of Sukhothai and Ayutthaya to its role in the second World War, reveals how much Thailand has for those interested in history and culture.

The 46th ASEAN Summit led by Malaysia in the chair, concluded in May. Malaysia is one of the founding members of the ASEAN, and is fully cognisant of its prolonged challenges, but as chair it has not addressed the issues. It raises questions on whether the stated deliverable of “inclusivity and sustainability” is merely a diversion from the country’s weakening leadership in the region.

Malaysia’s chairmanship of ASEAN in 2025 is pivotal. It will have to steer ASEAN toward regional peace, stability, and prosperity while reinforcing its centrality. All this during a time of heightened geostrategic rivalry, economic deglobalisation, rising protectionism, and nationalist trends.

The 56th ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting in Jakarta reflected the grouping’s resilience amidst transformative geopolitical changes in the Indo-Pacific. Striving for unity and centrality, ASEAN tackled challenges posed by COVID-19, economic slowdown, climate change, and U.S.-China competition. However, internal differences on sensitive issues like Myanmar have tested its credibility.

Since 1947, India has had a proud record of development cooperation. It began even though it was newly independent and itself developing, but created a camaraderie with movements in other emerging countries. Now after 75 years, its time to move toward an FDI-led model, which will particularly help reduce the rising indebtedness in the developing world.

The SCO foreign ministers met in Tashkent in July to plan for the all-important SCO summit in September. New additions and old issues remain, but the SCO is now growing into a significant grouping, with importance to India

Hailed as historic, the new global rules to curb harmful fishing subsidies is a step towards sustainable fishery practices. The negotiated deal, however, is fraught with concerns over overcapacity in fisheries, deep-sea fishing legislations, and blue finance. It may be better for developing countries to formulate their own regulations and set up mechanisms to prevent illegal fishing within their territorial waters – and hold the WTO agreement to its word.