The Quad summit is expected to be hosted by India in the second half of 2025, possibly in November. However, the grouping faces turbulence that transcends the current flow of India-U.S. relations. The relevance of Australia and Japan, too, needs to be factored in. Beijing considers the Quad as “the Asian NATO” that aims to contain China. Since the commencement of Trump 2.0, the grouping has been struggling to redefine its role and mandate.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Japan is significant for India domestically and its extended Asian influence. His visit, just prior to the SCO Summit in China, represents a shrewd endeavour at balancing the several priorities of Indian foreign policy

PM Modi's multi-country visit from 15-19 June to Cyprus, Canada, and Croatia demonstrated India's expertise in nurturing ties with great powers, middle powers and state powers.  The common thread was twofold: to represent India at the still-important summit of the Group of Seven in Alberta, and to push India’s strategic partnership with the EU, by forging closer ties with the countries of eastern and central Europe.

Most multilateral and plurilateral institutions have lost their significance and ability to shape the trajectory of international relations today. The G7 is no exception. It is impacted by the shift of power from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and an intra-Atlantic rift. The G7 discussions reflected this. More positive were the sideline discussions on repairing the India-Canada bilateral.

Canadian Prime Minister Carney can use the upcoming G7 summit he is hosting to advance the North-South dialogue and cooperation and also to discuss the strained bilateral with India. India can articulate the viewpoint of the Global South, stressing its conviction that the G7 is better served by constructively working with developing and emerging economies.

Studying the reaction of key stakeholders to the India-Pakistan conflict, and how India’s diplomatic machine coped with it, is revealing. Some of the major powers like the U.S., raised the temperature, China expectedly stood by Pakistan while Russia once again proved a dependable friend. Unsurprisingly, South Asia had a consistently neutral stance toward the conflict.

The victory of Mark Carney and the Liberals in the Canadian elections is a turnaround from the party's diminished position just four months ago. The former banker's campaign ran on a strong, independent Canada able to stand up to the new U.S. administration’s tariff provocations. Now come the challenges. The Carney government has much work to do in rebuilding ties abroad and bridging Canada's internal divisions.

February 1 marks four years of the military coup in Myanmar, which plunged the country into a bloody civil war, still on-going. The crisis is deepening, as the struggle between the Junta forces and a fragmented resistance wages on with no resolution in sight. A stalled mediation by ASEAN, and lack of consensus amongst neighbouring countries on how to help, leaves Myanmar’s future uncertain.

Bangladesh faces an energy crisis due to increasing prices, depleting foreign exchange reserves and political instability. Amit Bhandari, Senior Fellow, Energy, Investment and Connectivity, Gateway House, speaks with Rayhan Rashid on an episode of the South Asia Democratic Forum’s podcast on challenges affecting Bangladesh’s energy sector and potential solutions such as diversification of energy sources, a shift toward low-carbon energy production, and regional integration.

India and China are the world’s most populous countries, with much in common and much divergence. Reform, discipline, long-term thinking and scale brought China to its present near first-world conditions; India is accommodative with its democracy, cultural diversity and all-round religiosity to achieve development, wealth creation, cultural preservation and self-respect. There’s a great deal that the two Asian giants can learn from each other.