Countries in the Middle East, such as Iran, Israel or Saudi Arabia, do not want a military confrontation. Yet, current circumstances conduce to the breaking out of just such a war
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The financialization of the global economy produced the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression. The new arrangements which came into effect due to globalization, came with risks that the hyperglobalists did not foresee, although economic theory could have predicted the downside to globalization just as well as it did the upside.
Although China does not want to usurp the United States’ position as the leader of a global order, its actual aim is nearly as consequential. As one Chinese official put it, “Being a great power means you get to do what you want, and no one can say anything about it.” In other words, China is trying to displace, rather than replace, the United States.
Experts estimate the likelihood of a U.S.-Chinese nuclear crisis as “somewhere between nil and zero.” This assurance is misguided. The United States' signature approach to conventional warfare would be a potential recipe for nuclear escalation.
The immediate threat is more corrosive than explosive. States are using the tools of cyberwarfare to undermine the very foundation of the Internet: trust. The result is that an arena that the world relies on for economic and informational exchange has turned into an active battlefield.
The psychology of Putin, the ideology of his regime, and the machinery received exhaustive attention in the West. The Russian people, however, remain poorly understood.
The Millennium Development Goals are set to expire at the end of 2015. The time is near for world leaders to make some hard choices, to decide on new targets which will offer the greatest returns on investment
Many eastern European states who are part of the EU and were admitted only after being deemed compliant with the Copenhagen criteria have seen political parties in these countries become increasingly illiberal
When the average growth rate in emerging markets hit over seven percent a year in the last decade, forecasters hyped its implications. Today, more than five years after the financial crisis of 2008, the euphoria seems to have waned
Recent developments indicate that Pacific Alliance member states have their gaze firmly set upon Asian-Pacific and ASEAN economies. Can a Pacific Alliance deal with China or ASEAN serve as a powerful incentive to force the ratification of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) through the U.S. Senate?