Several Australian families and companies have had a deep impact on India, since the early days of its economic reformation – from telecom to entertainment. Now, with the two countries enjoined by a comprehensive bilateral trade agreement, it’s time to step it up and deepen common agendas on hard issues, from regulation on big tech to entertainment ecosystems to sports and stadium management.

The Valdai 2025 conference’s single confirmation was this: Russia believes the post-Western world is already functioning. It is no longer seeking to re-enter Western-led institutions; it is building around them. The polycentric world is like a network, not a hierarchy. No one needs to choose a camp.

India and Indonesia sit at the heart of the Indo-Pacific, and participate  in multiple global and regional frameworks that ensure developing countries remain part of governance debates. The two countries can use these platforms to craft a southern consensus, a framework for cooperation that prioritises resilience, equality and cooperation over competition and coercion. This can reduce vulnerabilities among developing countries and strengthen them against future disruptions.

The labour movement in the India-Russia corridor is a new element in the bilateral. It is already visible in the Delhi–Moscow flights. The usual students and tourists now share the cabin with welders, salon workers, and builders, many on their first overseas assignment. The trend signals a shift in Russia’s migration geography and opens a corridor linking India’s skill base with Russia’s industrial demand.

The Quad summit is expected to be hosted by India in the second half of 2025, possibly in November. However, the grouping faces turbulence that transcends the current flow of India-U.S. relations. The relevance of Australia and Japan, too, needs to be factored in. Beijing considers the Quad as “the Asian NATO” that aims to contain China. Since the commencement of Trump 2.0, the grouping has been struggling to redefine its role and mandate.

India and Indonesia are bound by history, culture, trade, and shared values. Their relationship must now add a new dimension — higher education and research. Both nations have long relied on outdated Western models. With a tech-savvy generation and receding colonial memory, the two largest democracies must build research bridges and empower students to become the leaders, innovators and humanitarians of tomorrow.

Each autumn, Russia convenes its flagship Annual Summit — a gathering of global leaders, business elites and intellectuals. Often compared in scale to Davos or Shangri-La, what sets Valdai apart is President Vladimir Putin’s extended, unscripted dialogue with the audience. Over the years, India has moved to the centre of this dialogue, reflecting its strategic weight and offering rare insight into Moscow’s evolving worldview.

The year 2025 is often compared to the Bandung moment of 1955, and for good reason. With the U.S. reordering traditional relationships, the opportunity for greater emphasis on the Global South is now. It is therefore time for India, Africa and ASEAN among others to re-burnish their Global South credentials and use that identity as a platform to engage each other more deeply.

As India seeks leadership in a multipolar world, cultural credibility is as vital as economic clout. Cinema gives India an edge with vivid storytelling, music, and empowering narratives, fostering understanding in a polarised world. Its popularity correlates with trade, as seen in the U.S., Russia, and Middle East. The more popular the cinema, the bigger the boost to trade.

This year marks the fifth anniversary of the India-Australia Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, signed in 2020 to boost defence and security ties and enhance trade and investments. But the foundations had been laid earlier in 2009, when India and Australia elevated their relationship to a Strategic Partnership. The bilateral has evolved significantly, making Australia one of the most stable partners in a rapidly changing global order.