India and Russia have a time-tested relationship, which was evident during President Putin's state visit to New Delhi last week. Its success lay in the warmth the leaders of the two countries share and in its timing: geopolitically, just after discussions of the U.S. and China as the G2, and commercially and strategically, at a time when India’s needs match Russia's capabilities.

Rajiv Bhatia explains how this book brings together perspectives on the geostrategy, geopolitics, and geoeconomics of the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Edited by Chintamani Mohapatra, it features 16 essays by experienced yet young academics. It highlights how the world changed after 2020, the ‘Age of Polycrisis’, COVID-19, conflicts in West Asia and Europe, and other global flashpoints. The book offers analysis that seeks to reposition the Indo-Pacific as vital to India’s strategic interests.

The G20 Summit in Johannesburg ended on a widely-shared sense of satisfaction and achievement, with the Global South’s perspective well-articulated, but divergent from some in the Global North. Now the G20's challenge is to restore its unity and credibility by working toward reconciliation with its next president, the U.S. Can India enhance its credibility and influence as a North-South bridge-builder?

The G20 Summit in Johannesburg in November will close four years of developing countries holding the grouping’s Presidency. It has left a positive imprimateur on the G20. The next President, the U.S., will inherit a more diverse body, with equal attention being given to issues of the Global North and the Global South.

U.S. President Donald Trump embarked on a five-day trip to Asia, arriving in Kuala Lumpur on October 26. Covering Malaysia, Japan, and South Korea, the visit marked a shift in focus from the Ukraine and Gaza conflicts to Southeast and East Asia, as his administration is set to finalise its China policy and Indo-Pacific strategy. The trip yielded important results, though their impact will take time to assess.

The Quad summit is expected to be hosted by India in the second half of 2025, possibly in November. However, the grouping faces turbulence that transcends the current flow of India-U.S. relations. The relevance of Australia and Japan, too, needs to be factored in. Beijing considers the Quad as “the Asian NATO” that aims to contain China. Since the commencement of Trump 2.0, the grouping has been struggling to redefine its role and mandate.

India and Indonesia are two Asian leaders and democracies which are reconnecting after decades, even centuries – in a world rife with new volatility and uncertainty. Both countries can collaborate and learn: Indonesia is an adept trading nation and India is a powerful tech player. The two governments are on a mission to deepen and diversify their relationship, stepping out of their past, and bringing fresh thinking.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Japan is significant for India domestically and its extended Asian influence. His visit, just prior to the SCO Summit in China, represents a shrewd endeavour at balancing the several priorities of Indian foreign policy

The G20’s current cycle is unique, with four Global South nations presiding consecutively: Indonesia, India, Brazil, and now South Africa. Brazil’s 2023-24 presidency exhibited both achievements and struggles, prioritising social inclusion, hunger, energy transition, and governance reform. The handover to South Africa marks a significant milestone in G20 history. Will the momentum be followed by the U.S., the next G20 president but also a G20 sceptic?

There was much at stake for the U.S.-Russia summit at Alaska – more than just the future of Ukraine. It will put the world back on economic track, and ease East-West relations, under stress for an on-going tariff war. For now, diplomacy has played a successful hand.