The Quad summit is expected to be hosted by India in the second half of 2025, possibly in November. However, the grouping faces turbulence that transcends the current flow of India-U.S. relations. The relevance of Australia and Japan, too, needs to be factored in. Beijing considers the Quad as “the Asian NATO” that aims to contain China. Since the commencement of Trump 2.0, the grouping has been struggling to redefine its role and mandate.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit to India comes after three years, and the outcomes from it throw up interesting issues. Three read-outs issued from this visit. One from the Chinese side and two from the Indian side. The diverse nature of the India and Chinese read-outs is striking. Certainly the visit yielded benefits; the test lies in the deliverables.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Japan is significant for India domestically and its extended Asian influence. His visit, just prior to the SCO Summit in China, represents a shrewd endeavour at balancing the several priorities of Indian foreign policy

While BRICS does have a wise agenda, backed by considerable unity, it is not in a strong position to garner the world’s support for it. The fissures within the G7, the tensions between the U.S. and Europe, and the unilateralism of Washington leave little room for BRICS to develop an international consensus on the issues agreed at the recent Rio Summit.

BRICS is undergoing a major transformation—expanding its membership, redefining its global role, and navigating geopolitical tensions. As the group prepares for the Rio Summit in July 2025, key challenges include integrating new members, reforming multilateral institutions, and balancing economic ambitions with strategic unity. With India set to chair in 2026, the bloc’s evolving identity will shape its global influence.

PM Modi's multi-country visit from 15-19 June to Cyprus, Canada, and Croatia demonstrated India's expertise in nurturing ties with great powers, middle powers and state powers.  The common thread was twofold: to represent India at the still-important summit of the Group of Seven in Alberta, and to push India’s strategic partnership with the EU, by forging closer ties with the countries of eastern and central Europe.

Warfare is changing its character, and drones are playing a big role in it. Technology that was first extensively used in the Vietnam war is a current conflict staple. With the increasing use of artificial intelligence, drones are becoming more powerful and useful.

Most multilateral and plurilateral institutions have lost their significance and ability to shape the trajectory of international relations today. The G7 is no exception. It is impacted by the shift of power from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and an intra-Atlantic rift. The G7 discussions reflected this. More positive were the sideline discussions on repairing the India-Canada bilateral.

Canadian Prime Minister Carney can use the upcoming G7 summit he is hosting to advance the North-South dialogue and cooperation and also to discuss the strained bilateral with India. India can articulate the viewpoint of the Global South, stressing its conviction that the G7 is better served by constructively working with developing and emerging economies.

The India-UK Free Trade Agreement comes amidst increasing economic uncertainty caused by the Trump administration’s reciprocal tariff policies. The FTA has revitalised previously lethargic discussions for India to conclude FTAs between like-minded countries. An India-EU FTA, along with the India-UK FTA, may reform global rule-making on international trade and perhaps even revive the WTO.