The recent re-evaluation by the US, China, Japan, and Russia of their military strategies reflects new geopolitical equations in which the Asia Pacific is a major strategic intersection. Turmoil in this region can impact India’s trade and security interests, and to avoid this India must craft a balance between its relations with all the countries involved
Senior Researcher, Gateway House
Karan Pradhan was a Senior Researcher at Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations. He has worked as a reporter, sub-editor and features writer at The Asian Age, covering a variety of beats including the civic and music beats. He has also worked on a number of books on organised crime in Mumbai including Mafia Queens of Mumbai, Dongri to Dubai: Six Decades of the Mumbai Mafia and My Name is Abu Salem with the author S. Hussain Zaidi. He holds a Master of Arts degree in International Relations from the University of Warwick. Download high-res bio image
Elections in Denmark in June have brought a right-wing coalition to power. These poll results reflect a trend across Europe of the rise of right-wing parties that are tapping into anti-immigrant sentiment and Islamophobia, both portrayed as responsible for a declining economy. It is time for Europe to stop blaming the victims and introspect
Narendra Modi, who spent nearly two months abroad in his first year as prime minister, helped India cultivate a wide range of bilateral and multilateral relationships. But of these, it will be the middle powers that hold the key, economically and geopolitically to India’s growth and security, and Modi must continue to widen his middle powers arc
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s completion of the South Asia circuit demonstrates the importance of the neighbourhood in his government’s foreign policy. The improved perception of India in the neighbourhood, especially in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, is a positive, but the neighbours must recognise that India’s federal structure makes decision-making slower and more difficult on issues that affect neighbouring Indian states like West Bengal and Tamil Nadu.
Representative democracy has resulted in coalition governments, comprising parties with opposing agendas, gradually being formed across the world. The Afghan unity government and the BJP-PDP coalition in Jammu and Kashmir are two such coalitions that share numerous similarities, not least of which is the role of Pakistan.
During President Obama’s visit to India to attend the Republic Day parade, if he and Prime Minister Modi announce specific agreements related to the two most vibrant components of the relationship—defence and technology—it will pave the way for real progress on the September 2014 US-India joint statement.
This year has seen a disturbing increase in brutal violence by terrorist groups across the world—the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, Boko Haram in Nigeria and the Tehreek-e-Taliban in Pakistan. With non-traditional terror targets like Belgium, Canada and Australia also being attacked this year, 2015 could see a more lethal spread of jihadist terror
A major theme at the multilateral summits this month was connectivity, with China at the forefront. India is trailing behind due to a shortfall in investment and political will, among other factors. Prime Minister Modi must follow up on his meetings at the SAARC Summit by robustly taking forward India’s connectivity agenda
Despite staking a claim to permanent UN Security Council membership 60 years ago, India is no closer to that goal. While conflict zones remain in Africa and Asia, economic might has shifted eastwards. The West-dominated UNSC is becoming irrelevant. If India becomes a permanent member, can it influence the council’s ethos?
India has tried to address the concerns of Sri Lankan Tamils through projects such as the recently-inaugurated railway between Jaffna and Colombo. But their aspirations for autonomy in the North and East remain unfulfilled, and New Delhi faces a dilemma—pushing Colombo on political issues can drive it closer to Beijing