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11 December 2025, The Indian Express

Ambedkar the forgotten internationalist

As global conflicts intensify and global leadership falters, it is time to look back 75 years to Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar - not only the father of India’s Constitution but also an internationalist whose foreign policy vision remains overlooked. He warned against aligning with China, upheld Tibet’s sovereignty, advocated U.S. ties, rejected non-alignment, and championed India’s UNSC seat. How different would the scenario have been if Ambedkar had led India’s foreign policy?

National Spokesperson for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

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The world is witnessing an unprecedented level of conflict with multiple crises unfolding at different levels. There are two wars underway, Ukraine-Russia and Israel-Gaza/ Iran. Several conflicts simmer within the South Asian region with the alignment of Pakistan-Bangladesh-China. There are skirmishes along the Thailand-Cambodia, the Taiwan Straits, and North-South Korea borders.

The world is seeking global leadership – one that is both empathetic and has the gravitas to compel countries and people to pay considered attention. If the current crop of world leaders cannot provide this, then perhaps it’s time to look to the past – to 75 years ago, in the era of Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, the father of the Indian Constitution.

In this 75th year of India’s constitution, it is a worthy endeavour to study Ambedkar beyond the Constitutionalist, but Ambedkar the Internationalist. It is a compelling dimension, on which there is little scholarship. He is known as a leader of the subaltern, a leader of the marginalised, as the maker of the Indian constitution, and as the first union law minister. However, his role as a foreign policy visionary and thinker remains largely unexplored.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s speech at the G7 conference this June spoke about the Global South, countries that are still on the developing scale. There is a vision on how India can become a voice for the voiceless and a beacon of hope for a disoriented world. This is not unlike the role Ambedkar envisaged for India on the global stage at a time when the world was also undergoing transformation.

Ambedkar believed in cultural commonwealth, or a sharing of the diverse cultural heritage and values across nations. India has had a deep cultural impact across the region, as seen by the spread of Buddhism and monuments dedicated to the Ramayana in Southeast Asia. This, Ambedkar felt, India must leverage.

It ties in with what PM Modi often says about India being Vishwabandhu, or a friend to the world. In times of crisis, whether in Bhutan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Yemen, Turkiye or elsewhere, India has earned the reputation of being among the first responders. Ambedkar’s vision for India’s future is rooted in this idea.

Ambedkar’s internationalist thoughts and vision is inspired by his time in the U.S. Ambedkar consciously chose to go to Columbia University in New York for his Masters’ (2015) and PhD (1925) degrees in Economics, studying under Professor John Dewey, considered the father of pragmatism and of experiential learning. Dewey’s philosophy on education, liberty, and practical reasoning profoundly influenced Ambedkar’s vision. It shaped his vision of democracy, equality, liberty, and his thoughts on realism and moral responsibility.

In the 1940s, Ambekar contacted W. E. B. Du Bois, a prominent African American intellectual and activist to enquire about the National Negro Congress petition to the UN, which attempted to secure minority rights to the UN Council. He wanted to raise awareness globally about untouchability as an international human rights violation. The Untouchability Abolition Act was eventually passed in 1955. While Ambedkar took inspiration from the civil rights movement in the U.S. both he, and Mahatma Gandhi, served as inspiration for Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., and Nelson Mandela. This is the cultural commonwealth that Ambedkar wanted India to build. His ideas found reflection across the globe, in the Indian Constitution and in the Indian enactment of it.

Ambedkar’s beliefs on foreign policy were diametrically opposite to those of then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru who had been emphasising closer ties with China. Ambedkar repeated these warnings in 1954, when there was an agreement between India and China, which was a precursor to the 1962 war.

While addressing and cautioning Prime Minister Nehru, he said that if Mao, the then ruler of China, had any faith in the principles of Panchsheel, he would have treated the Buddhist minorities in his country with respect. He was sensitised to Buddhism, which he would convert to, five years later.

When addressing a group of students in Lucknow University in 1951, he veered to China and said: “India has failed to develop a strong foreign policy. Tibet has been garrisoned by China; it will have long-term threat to India.” For him, Tibet as an autonomous, sovereign nation was a necessity for India’s foreign policy independence. In the same vein, he advocated for India to draw closer to the U.S., believing in the commonality of democratic values. He saw too that Chinese interference and occupation of Tibet could be a precursor to similar moves on Kashmir.

Having seen how the Tibet-China relationship has evolved, it is possible to fathom how different the situation in the region could have been if Tibet were an independent, autonomous country.

As a nationalist, Ambedkar’s legacy is a reminder that true nation-building must go hand in hand with internationalism, rooted in equality, realism and moral courage. He had the vision and the robustness and nuance to translate his international exposure to local application. This poses the question: what if Ambedkar led India’s foreign policy?

It’s an interesting simulation exercise to think about how different India’s global standing could have been if Ambedkar had an influence on foreign policy. He strongly advocated that India should first try and solve its problems internally, before internationally extending itself. He was also very vocal about the deficiencies in communism as an ideology and envisioned a league of democracies to counter communism.

Ambedkar was a vocal opponent of the non-alignment movement which India was a part of. Ambedkar categorically said it lacked clarity and direction and believed that non-alignment would eventually diplomatically isolate India. His views on Kashmir and his support for Indo-U.S. relations because of his time at Columbia, had a great impact on him and his thinking.

He was a vocal advocate for India gaining a permanent seat in the UN Security Council. This was a bold stance at a that time, when global diplomacy still marginalised the newly independent nation.

Ambedkar’s impact on the principles of equality was international. Only Mahatma Gandhi has had a similar impact on the world. New Hampshire in the U.S., and Burnaby in Canada have declared April 14, the birth anniversary of Dr. Ambedkar, as a Day of Equality, In April 2025, on the 135th birth anniversary of Dr. Ambedkar, New York City Mayor Eric Adams proclaimed the date “Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar Day”. The U.S. states of Michigan and Minnesota have announced April 9 to April 15 as Social Equity Week. Jamaica recently inaugurated Ambedkar Avenue, and there is an Ambedkar chair at Columbia University and an Ambedkar Centre in London, where he also studied.

Narendra Jadhav, a member of the Planning Commisson and National Advisory Council during the UPA administration had said, “Restricting the legacy of Ambedkar only as leader of depressed classes is a disservice to his legacy.”

Guru Prakash Paswan is an Indian academic and political figure and the National Spokesperson for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

This article was first published in The Indian Express. 

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